In this edition: lowercase-C conservative messaging. ͏‌  ͏‌  ͏‌  ͏‌  ͏‌  ͏‌ 
 
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October 22, 2025
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Today’s Edition
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  1. Founding rebranding
  2. Platner’s stress test
  3. North Carolina’s map
  4. NJ governor latest
  5. Va. Republican’s dare
  6. Jones pivots in Va.
  7. Anti-trans redux
1

Founding rebranding

 
David Weigel
David Weigel
 
A No Kings protester
Daniel Cole/Reuters

President Donald Trump’s first term saw a flowering of left-wing and liberal protest, culminating in 2020, after George Floyd’s killing, in what is often described as a “racial reckoning.”

Democrats embraced it. They remembered how the Tea Party movement — a marriage of well-funded libertarian groups and grassroots conservatism — reinvigorated the GOP during the Obama years. Hillary Clinton had struggled to fill the sort of venues that, two months after her loss, hosted a massive Women’s March.

The 1970s activist Angela Davis, whose ideology skews communist, was invited to that event to tell demonstrators that they could “prevent the dying cultures of racism [and] hetero-patriarchy” from rising again.

By 2020, liberals had devoured The 1619 Project and endorsed the removal of statues that honored Confederate figures, as well as some that honored founders of the US.

Saturday’s patriotism-splashed No Kings protests, however, told a new story: one in which the founders tried to create a “more perfect union,” and liberals are honoring them by working on the “more” part.

“In 1776, with extraordinary courage, the founders of our country announced to the world that they would no longer be ruled by the King of England, a king who had absolute power over their lives,” Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., said at the Washington edition of No Kings on Saturday.

Sanders has made the same connection at his “Fighting Oligarchy” events this year, putting himself remarkably in sync with the mainstream liberals he was once an alternative to. He suggested that honoring American ideals meant enacting his agenda, to “guarantee health care to every man, woman, and child,” and to “make public college tuition free.”

In fact, every No Kings speaker offered a version of this, portraying pluralist liberalism as a way to follow in the founders’ footsteps. Americans rebelled against a king, then applied that same thinking to abolish slavery, then dismantle segregation.

In Washington, No Kings organizer Ezra Levin told protesters they were the latest in a long line of people who honored the founders by protesting and changing the country: “The abolitionists, the suffragettes, the heroes of the civil rights movement, the leaders at Stonewall, the leaders in the Dreamer movement.”

In this sense, Democratic rhetoric has grown more conservative, with more appeals to tradition, than it was during Trump’s first term. (It’s also clear that this rebranding is getting under some Republicans’ skin, 100 hours after the Saturday rallies. If President Donald Trump “was a king,” his eldest son quipped to Fox News, he “probably would just reopen the government.“)

But Democrats’ goals, as elucidated at No Kings rallies, have not changed. Defending the rights of immigrants who entered the country illegally was a theme everywhere. Participants at the day’s biggest rallies called for higher taxes on the wealthy and more permissive immigration policies, while defending the diversity of urban life.

There were also some calls for radical economic change. Many speakers invoked what progressives call the “Race Class Narrative,” a messaging project from Trump’s first term that characterizes deportations and rollbacks of transgender health care as distractions from the damage exacted by the GOP’s supply-side economics.

In Seattle, Rep. Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash., said that Republicans were attacking “trans people and immigrants and Black people and poor people to distract you from his real agenda.” In Boston, Sen. Ed Markey, D-Mass., draped a trans pride flag over his button-down shirt and declared that “trans rights are human rights” — a nod to his primary challenge from a congressman who’s suggested that Democrats should be open to restrictions on trans athletes.

The message there was not just that Democrats represented the spirit of 1776; it was that progressive Democrats, specifically, were the patriotic revolutionaries.

Perhaps the newest Democratic policy demand, compared with 2017, has been for the federal government to leave liberal cities alone — casting Trump as George III and urban liberals as the Minutemen.

But it’s meaningful that the party is so broadly adopting a more small-c conservative image. One year after its 2024 defeat by a Republican Party that believes it can stop progressivism from ever winning back power, at least Democrats are no longer arguing over what signs to hold.

2

Maine Democratic Senate hopeful pains his party

Graham Platner tattoos, before and after
Graham Platner’s old, new tattoos. @MENewsPhotog/X

Graham Platner is putting the Democratic Party’s interest in younger, fresher candidates through a serious stress test, I reported this week with Burgess Everett. Platner’s posting history on Reddit and news of a tattoo linked to Nazism roiled his Senate campaign, just as Maine Gov. Janet Mills joined him in the Democratic primary. Platner is taking a risky approach by leaning into the controversy. The 41-year-old argued to Semafor that his party shouldn’t make an example of him while trying to court the votes of men who may have also said things they regret.

“How do you expect to win young people?” Platner asked. “How do you expect to win back men when you go back through somebody’s Reddit history and just pull it all out and say: ‘Oh my God, this person has no right to ever be in politics’? Good luck with that. Good luck winning over those demographics.”

3

North Carolina Republicans unfurl friendly redistricting map

US Representative Greg Murphy speaks during a rally hosted by former US President Donald Trump in Selma, NC.
Erin Siegal McIntyre/Reuters

North Carolina Republicans moved ahead with a new map that would make it hard for Rep. Don Davis, D-N.C., to retain his seat after redistricting this fall. After a two-hour public forum, the House GOP supermajority in Raleigh quickly passed a map that “should perform to elect 11 Republicans.” It will move Republican precincts into Davis’ northeast 1st Congressional District and push some Democratic precincts into the 3rd District, held by Rep. Greg Murphy, R-N.C. — turning both into districts that would’ve backed Trump by double digits last year.

Republicans framed the new map as a gift to Trump and an answer to California, where Democrats are optimistic about passing a ballot measure that would delete five Republican seats (a measure that is itself a response to Texas’ new GOP gerrymander).

4

Sherrill hits 50% even as Democrats keep sweating

Chart showing Rutgers-Eagleton poll

Early voting in New Jersey starts Saturday, and Democrats are sweating about nominee Mikie Sherrill’s campaign, despite her hovering around 50% in polls. GOP nominee Jack Ciattarelli has delivered clearer answers in debates and earned media; Sherrill has been more muddled, often trying to shift the conversation back to Ciattarelli’s newfound (for this campaign) total support for Trump.

The story in every poll is the same: Ciattarelli has consolidated the Republican vote and conservative independents, but Sherrill has fought to a tie on the “cost of living” question — one of Democrats’ biggest messaging priorities of the cycle.

5

Virginia Republican dares voters to ticket-split

Still from John Reid campaign ad
John Reid for Lt. Governor of Virginia/YouTube

Virginia voters elect their governor and lieutenant governor on separate sections of the ballot and sometimes split their tickets. That’s what the GOP nominee for lieutenant governor asks for in this ad — a chance to be a “check and balance in Richmond,” and a pivotal vote in the state Senate, where Democrats have a narrow majority.

In the ad, John Reid hits Democratic nominee Ghazala Hashmi over her votes for criminal justice bills that “reduced penalties for assaulting an officer.” He has denounced her in earned media for refusing to debate him or hold as many open events as he has; on Tuesday, the campaign staged a faux debate between Reid and an AI stand-in for Hashmi.

6

Jay Jones tries to pivot from his texts to Trump

Still from Jay Jones campaign ad
Jay Jones/YouTube

For three weeks, revelations about Democratic Virginia attorney general nominee Jay Jones’ texts to a GOP colleague — in which he described putting “two bullets” in the state House speaker and imagined the speaker’s children dying — have fueled the opposition party. Jones apologized for the texts and kept his endorsers in line.

Now, with this ad, he’s trying to run his original playbook: GOP Attorney General Jason Miyares is “Trump’s attorney, not ours.” Most of the B-roll comes from Miyares rallying with Trump in 2024, but there’s a quick shot of Trump’s Miyares endorsement that skips over the president telling Jones to quit.

7

Virginia GOP reprises anti-trans theme in closing argument

Still from Ian Lovejoy campaign ad
@IanTLovejoy/X

The Virginia GOP’s other closing theme — really, its theme since summer — is siding with the Trump administration’s push to roll back transgender-inclusive policies. In a northern Virginia swing seat, GOP Del. Ian Lovejoy is closing by reminding voters that Democrat Elizabeth Guzmán, a former delegate herself, once sponsored a bill that could have punished parents for inflicting “physical or mental injury” on a child based on their gender identity.

Jennifer Donnelly, a Republican donor from the district, stars in the ad as a mom who opposes Guzman’s bill or the candidate (whose proposal fellow Democrats also refused to advance).

Scooped!

The Wall Street Journal’s triple-bylined read on Democratic fundraising problems is essential, full of information that takes a nebulous story (the party isn’t raising money like it did eight years ago) and fills in the details. The DNC’s single biggest cash drain, over the last 11 months, has been paying off the debts it incurred during Kamala Harris’ campaign; donors rejected an attempt to put on a Harris-led fundraiser, at least one of whom sent back a “profanity-laced” response to the idea.

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