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Today’s Points:

Rebel With a Cause

President Donald Trump is firing Lisa Cook as Fed governor, more than a decade before her term is due to end. Or is he? His letter, posted to his Truth Social account, says that she is “hereby removed” from her position “effective immediately.” But Cook has already sued alleging that this is illegal. 

This is unprecedented. It’s in the Fed’s constitution that a governor can be fired “for cause.” However, the term is not defined, and the power has never been tested. As Cook is unlikely to back down, it will now probably be up to the judiciary to define exactly when a president can fire a Fed governor. It’s easy to imagine a legal drama lasting many months and ending in the Supreme Court. The judgment of bettors on Polymarket, for what it’s worth, is that she has a 75% chance of still being in post at year-end.  

This isn’t a legal column; the allegations are that Cook falsified documents on mortgage applications. Suffice it to say for now that reasonable people might go either way on whether the transgressions, if proven, would constitute sufficient cause to fire her. Robert Hockett of Cornell Law School poured cold water:

Fed governors can be removed only ‘for cause,’  and as anyone with as checkered a history in real estate as Trump will know, someone’s having two primary residences between which to commute is no closer to that than is a family’s having two cars. If Congress cares about the stability of the dollar, it should censure Trump immediately for this attempted stunt. If it does not, the federal courts will.

But ACG Analytics argues that Cook’s actions probably do constitute cause, even though they happened before she joined the Fed. It also contends that “the answer as to under what circumstances the president may fire a Fed governor is an answer that may not be in the best interests of the Fed to have resolved.” The group added:

The narrative of someone in charge of setting interest rates that affect the mortgage prices of ordinary Americans getting an illegal ‘sweetheart deal’ is not the best look for an institution that likes to position itself as above the proverbial fray.

Reputational risk was already bad for the Fed. Photographer: Al Drago/Bloomberg

It would drag the Fed into a drawn-out legal and public relations battle that would threaten a reputation battered in recent years by the resurgence of inflation, and by the resignations of two governors for insider trading. Even if a victory in the Supreme Court appears likely, then, it might not save an independent Fed.

A further point, made by the independent analyst Jon Hilsenrath, long a journalist covering the Fed, is that Cook has not explicitly denied the allegations against her, while Chairman Jerome Powell is yet to speak in her defense. This “leaves a vacuum the president is filling. If Cook didn’t do anything wrong, now’s the time to make that case clearly.”

The agenda behind firing Cook is obvious, and unhidden. Trump even told the cabinet meeting on Tuesday:  

We’ll have a majority [on the FOMC] very shortly. Once we have a majority, housing is going to swing, and it’s going to be great. People are paying too high an interest rate. That’s the only problem with us. We have to get the rates down a little bit.

This doesn’t necessarily follow. When the fed funds rate was last at 3% (which is where the Treasury secretary says they should be, while Trump is aiming for 1%), the 30-year benchmark mortgage yield was higher than it is now. Mortgage rates actually rose over the period last fall when the Fed cut overnight rates by a full percentage point over three meetings:

The president wants rid of Cook as means to the end of bringing down mortgage rates. Replacing her with someone willing to do the White House’s bidding would make it easier to control the entire Federal Open Market Committee. It’s unlikely the president cares deeply about Cook’s alleged offenses, as he’s been accused of similar things himself — but they give him a weapon, and it will be hard for her to hold on even if she wins in court. One way or another, markets think Trump will get the more compliant Fed he wants — and they’re probably right.

Too Many Cooks…

If the end of central banking independence is terrifying financial markets, they’re not showing it. The US stock market gained slightly for a day that had been dominated from the opening by the Cook news. The two-year Treasury yield, sensitive to rate forecasts and volatile of late, barely moved:

Gold rose, but remains below its high. The bottom line is that this has had minimal market impact. Mike Howell of CrossBorder Capital suggests that the calmness is down to a great job by the Treasury under Scott Bessent:

US bonds are being well-controlled by policymakers. They matter hugely in a collateral-based credit system. We have argued that Fed and Treasury have been carefully managing liquidity and probably also targeting the MOVE index. Inflation seems to be cyclically dipping near-term and economy softening. With scarcity of coupons, long-term funds have no reason to sell. With low volatility, hedge funds have no reason to end basis trade.

Since Liberation Day in April, the MOVE index, a gauge of bond market volatility, has indeed been remarkably steady. The last four months have seen threats to sack Powell, a downgrade to the US sovereign rating by Moody’s, the imposition of tariffs far higher than expected at the start of the year, a shocking revision to unemployment data, the firing of the head of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, and now the Cook drama. The MOVE has fallen steadily throughout:

The imbroglio had its greatest effect on expectations for the medium term. Nobody foresees more than a 25-basis-points cut next month. The odds have barely shifted. The implicit fed funds rate expected for January 2027, however, is back to its low since the contract initiated a year ago, and dropped sharply on the Cook news. The odds of a post-Powell FOMC easing a lot next year are rising:

The two previous times that January 2027 expectations were at about this level, last September when a recession scare prompted a jumbo cut and after Liberation Day, there was widespread alarm about an imminent economic downturn. There’s no such fear now. Investors’ confidence in a concerted easing next year is more or less entirely attributable to political pressure. After four months with the Fed in suspended animation, its projected flight path is back to where it was after the tariff shock in April:

The move to fire Cook had its clearest impact on very long bonds. The five-year/30-year Treasury yield curve is now its steepest in four years:

That suggests that the economy will expand, and push rates up in the long term. The administration will get fed funds to 3% or thereabouts by the end of 2026. But it may well not get its desired dirt-cheap mortgage rates. The market doesn’t expect fed funds to drop to Trump’s desired 1%, as anyone the administration could conceivably place on the Fed would balk at doing such a thing.

The economy is in decent shape, and cuts next year will juice it further. The yield curve suggests a new equilibrium where the Fed tolerates higher inflation, and rates at the top end of the cycle will be higher than we’re accustomed to. 

Trump may therefore need to do more than interfere with the Fed to get what he wants. David Roberts of Nedbank warns that this risk is not yet adequately reflected in markets. The president, he points out, has already claimed emergencies to send troops to the peaceful streets of Los Angeles and Washington. He’s unlikely to balk at emergency intervention in the bond market, along the lines of desperation measures during the Global Financial Crisis.

He can tinker with fed funds as much as he likes. Plan B comes when fed funds fall and he doesn’t get what he wants. Then they can look at QE from 2009, when they bought a lot of mortgage assets.

If the White House and Treasury resort to financial repression like this, there could be pain in future for those shorting long bonds. Just ask Japanese bond investors

For now, imminent rate cuts are great news for the usual suspects. Small-cap US stocks were also clear beneficiaries, as they are more leveraged than large caps.

Alexander Altmann of Barclays Equities Tactical Strategies pointed out that approximately half of the Russell 2000’s debt burden is variable rate (i.e. tied to SOFR), and that its weighted average maturity was about half that of large caps: “It is movement in the front end of the Treasury curve that matters more” for the index. Surging 30-year yields were “of course bad for risk in general,” but they remained contained so there was little immediate reason for concern. That logic seems to have been applied across the market. 

Survival Tips

So, congratulations to Taylor Swift and Travis Kelce on their engagement. As the loving father of teenage daughters, I’ve been following this drama for a while, and there’s even been a Polymarket contract to allow you to bet on the nuptials. Taylor doesn’t need the money, but the way the contract moved in the 24 hours before the glad tidings suggests that someone somewhere knew something:

Whoever placed those bets late on Monday made a 300% profit within hours. Congratulations to them. Now, they have more opportunities to make money from their information, as you can bet on everything from the venue for the wedding, bachelors’ and bachelorettes’ parties, wedding and honeymoon, through to the best man and maid of honor and who gets to sing the first song (Taylor isn’t the favorite). Meanwhile, music to celebrate the occasion might include: Paper Rings, Lover, Stay Stay Stay, Long Story Short, or Mary’s Song. But definitely not All Too Well, because we don’t want this relationship to end like the one with Jake Gyllenhaal did. 

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