SPICY SCOOPS
There is always a lot of information that we hear and find interesting and newsworthy but don’t publish as part of our investigative reporting—and share instead in this newsletter.
PUTIN'S INTERPRETER, SANCTIONED BY POLAND, SENT TO ORGANIZE ELECTION OBSERVATION IN HUNGARY — OSCE PA DEFENDS THE DECISION
The Kremlin's meddling in Hungary's election is a prime topic of the campaign since my revelations in the previous issue of this newsletter — making it all the more striking that the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly is reportedly deploying Vladimir Putin's former personal interpreter, Daria Boyarskaya, to organize its election observation mission to Budapest. According to VSquare's OSINT research, Boyarskaya went straight from university into Russia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and worked for other Russian state-linked entities as well. She is perhaps best known internationally for serving as Putin's English interpreter at his 2019 meeting with Donald Trump at the G-20 in Osaka — a last-minute swap to replace a male interpreter. Der Spiegel noted that Fiona Hill, Trump's former Russia advisor, believed she was specifically chosen to appeal to the US president. Boyarskaya has worked for OSCE PA as an external interpreter since 2010 and was hired as a senior staff advisor in October 2020.
A 2023 investigation by Paper Trail Media, DER SPIEGEL, ZDF and Der Standard showed how the Kremlin is infiltrating OSCE and sabotaging its work, detailing – among others, and without naming her – Boyarskaya's case. Poland's Internal Security Agency (ABW) sanctioned Boyarskaya in November 2022, designating her an undesirable person. “Her activities to date unambiguously position D. Boyarskaya as a supporter of Vladimir Putin’s regime, which — in light of Russia's military actions in Ukraine and the hybrid war being waged against the Republic of Poland — creates a serious risk of provocation or the incitement of incidents detrimental to Poland's international standing,” Poland’s interior ministry explains. In February 2023, Boyarskaya was detained attempting to cross the Lithuanian-Russian border.
However, OSCE PA Secretary General Roberto Montella has defended her involvement in the current Hungarian mission, writing to Márta Pardavi — co-chair of the Hungarian Helsinki Committee — that deploying Boyarskaya was his personal decision and that she retains his full confidence. Pardavi, who shared her correspondence with Montella with me, has demanded Boyarskaya's immediate removal, warning that her presence risks a "chilling effect" on Hungarian civil society actors, journalists, and opposition figures who would otherwise speak freely with international monitors. "Her role in preparing the PA mission is important — she organizes the meetings, invites the participants, attends every session, and takes notes," Pardavi told me. Meanwhile, multiple European national security sources told me that Putin's personal interpreters are all thoroughly vetted by the FSB, with only the most loyal cleared to interpret for the Russian president. As one source put it: Boyarskaya is either cooperating with Russian intelligence or is a prime recruitment or surveillance target given both her former role and her current position inside a key multilateral institution. "In either case, those who meet Boyarskaya on a Hungarian election observation mission are at serious risk of getting on Russian intelligence services' radar themselves," the source said.
OSCE PA has allegedly pushed back against Boyarskaya’s earlier Polish sanctioning, arguing in a letter — obtained by both the 2023 German-Austrian investigation and VSquare — that all staff share the organization's positions condemning Russia's war on Ukraine. That defense, however, is not easily squared with travel records leaked on the Russian internet showing Boyarskaya visiting Russia frequently even after the full-scale invasion and maintaining a Moscow address — at a time when Russian authorities are arresting anyone who openly criticizes the war. Our OSINT research further found that she has multiple relatives who work for Russian state bodies or state-linked organizations, giving the Kremlin additional leverage over her. I sent Boyarskaya detailed questions — including whether she condemns Russia's war against Ukraine and whether she maintains ties to Russian intelligence or receives funding from Russian state institutions. She did not reply.
HUNGARY'S RAID ON UKRAINIAN BANK CONVOY WAS A POLITICAL INTELLIGENCE OPERATION, SOURCES SAY
On March 5, Hungary's Counter-Terrorism Center (TEK) raided two armored cargo trucks belonging to Ukraine's state-owned Oschadbank as they passed through the country on a routine run from Vienna to Kyiv, detaining seven of the bank's employees, and seizing $82 million in cash and gold. The Hungarian government's propaganda machine quickly alleged the cargo was illegal, tied to a "war mafia," and connected to Western financing of Ukraine's war effort. In reality, according to four sources familiar with the details of the operation, the raid was a politically motivated Hungarian intelligence operation designed to provoke a confrontation with Ukraine that could be weaponized ahead of the April 12 vote. Vilifying both Kyiv and Western support for it has been a central pillar of the ruling Fidesz party’s messaging.
The operation was spearheaded by Örs Farkas, the state secretary overseeing the civilian intelligence services and a key lieutenant to Antal Rogán — Orbán's powerful minister who controls both the intelligence apparatus and the government's propaganda machine. The nominal legal pretext — more of a fig leaf than a genuine basis — was a counterintelligence investigation focused on a former Ukrainian SBU officer who was leading the Oschadbank security team. Hungarian intelligence operatives had been surveilling the bank cargo's regular runs from Austria to Ukraine since at least early January 2026. Part of the surveillance was carried out abroad: operatives identified which hotel the Ukrainian guards stayed at in Vienna and mapped the routes they took through Austria. Once patterns and habits were established, the original plan — "Plan A" — was to catch the Ukrainians carrying weapons, giving Orbán's authorities and propaganda outlets the raw material for a terrorism or illegal arms trafficking narrative. That is why TEK was tasked with the raid, which was personally overseen from TEK's command point by state secretary Farkas, with representatives of the Hungarian civilian intelligence agencies also present.
It didn't go according to plan. After the raid, everything about the Ukrainians — their papers, the money transfers, the entire operation — turned out to be completely legal. The Ukrainian drivers and guards didn’t even carry weapons. According to multiple sources familiar with the operation, it became obvious there was no legal basis whatsoever for the raid, nor for the subsequent arrest, interrogation without lawyers, or expulsion of the Ukrainian guards. So "Plan B" was hastily improvised: Hungary's tax authority (NAV) was ordered to open an alleged anti-money laundering investigation to create a legal veneer for what had already happened. The move triggered significant uproar inside NAV as not even the authority's own anti-money laundering team was consulted initially. The operation's improvised, politically-driven nature is perhaps best illustrated by one telling detail: despite the “war mafia” narrative, Hungary's military intelligence was never briefed on the operation, and Hungary’s Ministry of Defense was only informed after TEK realized mid-operation that it lacked vehicles capable of hauling away the seized Ukrainian vans and its cargo — and had to request military transport to bail them out.
Meanwhile, those who orchestrated the operation have been quietly boasting about what they see as its most significant result. According to their interpretation, word of the Oschadbank raid reached President Volodymyr Zelensky rapidly, and it was an enraged Zelensky who, at a press conference just hours later on March 5, made remarks that were widely interpreted as a threat against Viktor Orbán personally — saying he would give the address of the person blocking EU financial aid to Ukraine to his soldiers. I am unable to independently confirm whether Zelensky made those remarks specifically because he had just learned of the raid on his state bank's convoy. But that is precisely how Orbán's underlings spin it — as proof that their provocation had worked, and that they had successfully goaded the Ukrainian president into handing them a campaign gift. The Hungarian Prime Minister's Cabinet Office, which oversees the intelligence services, and Hungary's NAV tax authority did not respond to my requests for comment. The legal representative of Ukraine’s Oschadbank has filed a complaint with Hungarian prosecutors on suspicion of abuse of office and an act of terrorism by Hungarian authorities.
