A weekly look at what matters in Brussels and across Europe with Maria Tadeo.
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October 10, 2026

Welcome back to Off the Record, coming to you from Brussels as I pack for Warsaw, where I’ll attend the annual security conference next week.


I’ll be speaking with Poland’s finance minister and the European Commissioner for the EU budget as money talks enter a critical phase, with capitals hoping to strike a deal on the contentious common budget before Christmas. If you’re a journalist, that means working under the mistletoe — bien entendu.


Poland is one of three major EU countries heading into an election year in 2027, alongside France and Italy. In Spain, my home country, Pedro Sánchez has played another ace: bringing forward a snap election for 29 November.


The vote represents a test of whether Spain remains a socialist stronghold in Europe or shifts sharply to the right, with significant implications for the balance of power in both the European Council and the European Parliament.


Although the campaign hasn’t started, Europe is already a pressure cooker.


Protests have erupted in Paris and Madrid over student conditions and housing. Though the two movements are not directly connected, they point to a common thread: a fraying social contract and a deeper crisis of democracy. Both movements offer an opportunity for the left to mobilise progressive voters.


I’ve long argued that one reason for today’s extreme polarisation is the failure of traditional socialist parties to offer a convincing alternative to the market-driven solutions championed by late capitalism under the Troika's watch.


A decade of Merkel-era austerity made voting for either side of the centrist spectrum feel like a false choice across much of Europe. You’d get the same outcome either way. To succeed in today’s political climate, you have to be disruptive and embrace a degree of populism.


In Madrid, Sánchez is doing exactly that. His first radical move? Calling the election. The conventional wisdom in political circles was that Sánchez would let the clock run down, buying himself some breathing space from the Ceuta crisis.


The mass crossing, which saw 80,000 people enter the Spanish enclave illegally, has haunted his government for two months, exposing its shortcomings. Two months on, the crisis remains unresolved: migrants are stranded, minors are still unaccounted for, and local residents are understandably furious.


But the zeitgeist shifted after police evicted María del Carmen Abascal, an 87-year-old woman, from her flat in Madrid. She died in hospital this week. Her death has become a black swan event in the campaign, upending the political debate in ways few could have anticipated just two weeks ago. 


Maricarmen became the symbol of a wave of protests sweeping the country over exorbitant rents. Her story has galvanised young people and the left. A sprawling camp-out in central Madrid now dominates the political conversation.


In troubled waters, there is always an opportunity for Sánchez, arguably Europe’s most skilful political operator. The Spanish premier has shifted, reshaped and flipped the narrative whenever necessary to stay one step ahead.


Few sitting prime ministers or heads of state can do what he does. His approach is driven less by principle than by sheer political survival. And that is what makes him the most interesting politician to watch in Europe. 



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But can he do it again? The polls suggest otherwise. 


The momentum is with the right: the mainstream conservative PP and the far-right Vox are banking on a parliamentary majority. This time, neither appears to have qualms about governing together. That could put Vox, which has called for “national preference” over foreigners and branded Sánchez a puppet of Morocco, in control of key portfolios such as the Spanish interior ministry.


My gut feeling, having covered many Spanish elections, is that Vox is heading for a blockbuster result. The Ceuta crisis works in its favour, a generational shift is pushing voters to the right, and cutting deals with the far right is no longer taboo. In fact, Vox is already part of three PP-led regional governments.


That’s also what Sánchez’s inner circle is betting on.


For the Socialists, a hyper-polarised climate works best. Sánchez needs it to get voters to the polls en masse. It also fits his campaign strategy: Spain faces a stark choice — stick with him or end up on the wrong side of history, alongside Trump, Musk, the tech elite and a European far right in Russia’s pocket.


The housing crisis, which has worsened under his government, gives Sánchez a platform to campaign on social rights and pit “the people” against the powerful. It's populist, sure, but it's also smart politics. And it explains why his team were keen to meet New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly.


A press release from Sánchez's office  said the two agreed that “social justice and economic development must go hand in hand – for the benefit of the majority”. Mamdani called it a “privilege to be able to learn from each other”.


Sánchez will also play up his European credentials. As the left’s last man standing, he gives Spain an outsized voice in key European institutions. Deeply polarising at home, he certainly gets better press abroad. Remember Pedro "the Handsome" or this Wall Street Journal spread?

 

With eight weeks to go, the polls suggest no amount of spin can save him. The momentum is with the right — a logical shift after eight rollercoaster years in office. But Sánchez is betting everything on one last gamble. When he goes all in, you’d better have your poker face on.


Thank you for reading Off the Record. 


You can email me at maria.tadeo@euronews.com


— Maria Tadeo



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